In order to answer this question we have to consider the nature of transformations that have been taking place in Europe. Since the beginning of the 90's political geography of Europe and especially of Central and Eastern Europe has changed. The collapse of the communist rule and dissolution of the Soviet block change the course of history. The transformations were started by the "Round Table" talks and the success of the opposition in the parliamentary elections in Poland in 1989. In 1990 President of the USSR, Mikchail Gorbachov introduced pierestrojka and glasnost, starting economic and political transformation of his country. As the result some of the Soviet republics began to declare sovereignty and shortly afterwards independence. In 1991 the dissolution of the USSR was completed, and 11 from its former republics created the Commonwealth of Independent States. In 1991 the war that broke out in the Balkans resulted in the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia and creation of new countries. In 1993 the Czech and Slovak Republics came into existence by the dissolution of Czechoslovakia. In this way, sometimes not very peaceful, there appeared new countries on the map of Europe. At that time we could observe two opposite phenomena in Europe. Whereas western European countries were trying to eliminate their border controls and implement the Schengen Agreement, Central and Eastern European countries were striving to free themselves from the communist regime, gain independence and some of them trying to establish their new borders. Now some of those countries have commenced accession talks with the EU. The other trend that has been visible in Europe is that on one hand countries make efforts to deepen their integration level by joining the EU and various structures and agreements of regional cooperation such as CEI and CEFTA, but on the other they highlight the significance of their national identity, culture and tradition.

The forthcoming enlargement of the EU, which is mainly an economic structure let us suppose that this is the economy which will emerge as the dominant domain. The existence of the above-national organs in pillar I of the EU able to make decisions on the basis of a qualified majority voting allows it to act more efficiently, comparing the cooperation in pillars I and III, where decisions are taken on the basis of a consensus. The agreement concerning the free flow of goods, people and capital took effect on 1 January 1993. The implementation of the European Commodity Act indicates how important economic cooperation of countries is. The free flow of goods, people and capital enables the growth of trade exchange and GNP. This economic indicator permits to evaluate the standard of living, affluence and stability of a country. It is important. This is the goal of each country worldwide. Therefore, I believe that a strong, stabilized economy is going to be a priority. It is crucial for countries, member states of the EU, but also for countries, which aspire to achieve sufficient standards to get an access to this structure, and countries, which will not become its members in the nearest future. But we need to remember that Europe is not only the EU. It consists also of the countries, which struggle to get out of a deep economic crisis, countries, which are being devastated by wars and conflicts. They also create the image of our continent for the world. It is up to politicians and economists what they do in order to improve this image.

Taking into consideration political cooperation, in case of the EU it consists of pillar II - the Common Foreign and Security Policy and pillar III - Cooperation in Justice and Home Affairs. Here the decisions are taken on the basis of a consensus. Although some of the members are willing to change this policy and broaden the competencies of these forums by introducing a majority voting, it is still a matter undergoing discussion. This fact highlights that a political cooperation and more specifically issues concerning security and the foreign policy are to remain in the scope of competencies of particular countries. They are not so eager to convey these competencies to an above-national body. A political cooperation, which origins go back as far as to the early 50's, developing among countries on the forum of the European Communities since the 70's, is still to remain the domain reserved for political leaders.

At the times of existence of the two military blocks in Europe there was a clear situation who is who and who belongs where. After the Warsaw Pact had been dissolved there appeared totally new circumstances for its former members. They lost their security guaranties; any military treaty of a larger scale no longer tied them. Those countries found themselves in a so called "grey zone". Then, they set two major goals for their foreign policies: integration with western military organizations such as NATO and WEU, and a total resignment and freeing from a Soviet influence. The West also modified its security strategies. In 1991 NATO came out with the idea of North Atlantic Cooperation Council in order to create an institutional and consulting platform for post-communist states concerning the issues of European security policy. Then, in 1994 NATO established Partnership for Peace programme for countries aspiring to its membership.

The concept of European security has evolved. The political and military structures of NATO are to be adopted to a new situation, where the USA is no longer a protector against a Soviet invasion. Together with the development of European institutional maturity, there is going to be born a European security identity. The European security will be based on the concept of interlocking institutions of NATO, WEU and OSCE.

Considering the above, I believe that Europe will emerge mainly as an economic power. The EU countries will reach a deeper level of integration by implementing the Monetary Union. A single currency will give them on one hand the possibility to compete ever-more effectively with world economic powers such as the USA and Japan, but on the other will enable them to eliminate the exchange rate differences and simplify trade procedures. For the world, and especially for the US, Europe will emerge as a partner with high investment dynamics and a high share in global export. In the EU countries, an economic cooperation, free from restrictions and barriers, will be developing smoothly.

The EU members are thrilled with the costs of the Union enlargement and overcome by anxiety that the accession can have an adverse effect on the functioning of its structures. However, the enlargement of the EU is the only way to finally eliminate the division of Europe that has existed for so many years. This is the only way to change the existing stereotype about those "rich" from the West and "poor" from the East. This is the only way for a successful return to Europe, countries, which were forcefully deprived of the possibility to choose their political and economic systems. The enlargement of the EU is a challenge for its members but also an opportunity for those aspiring. The opportunity to establish new economic, cultural and military links. This is the opportunity for Europe, which when united will find a new place in the world.

Biography

Hanna Suchocka is a Law Professor, a centre-right politician, former Polish Prime Minister and presently Minister of Justice. She was born in 1946 in Pleszew near Poznan, Poland.

Hanna Suchocka studied law at the University of Poznan, where, after doctorate and habilitation, she was appointed Professor for Constitutional Law. From 1988 to 1993, she has also lectured at the Catholic University of Lublin. Since 1990, she has been a Researcher at the Polish Academy of Sciences.

Hanna Suchocka was first elected to the Sejm, the Polish Parliament, in 1980 as a candidate of the Democratic Party. In 1982 she opposed the new trade union law which declared Solidarnosc illegal and her party membership was suspended. Hanna Suchocka had acted as consultant for Solidarnosc after 1980 and she was, after the "Round Table" talks, in 1989 re-elected to the Sejm as a Solidarnosc candidate. Re-elected to the Sejm as a Democratic Union candidate in 1991, she was appointed Prime Minister in 1992 and headed a multi-party coalition government until 1993.

After four years as a leading figure of the Polish opposition, Hanna Suchocka was appointed Minister of Justice and Attorney General in October 1997 in the coalition government of Jerzy Buzek that emerged from the September 1997 parliamentary elections.